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The Old Mans final try to make the Fiji Government reap the benefits of Industrial Hemp for Fiji.

12 Friday Dec 2025

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Proposal: Large-Scale Industrial Hemp Cultivation in Fiji – Harnessing Fallow Native Lands for Economic, Environmental, and Social Benefits, Including Hempcrete for Termite-Resistant Housing

Executive Summary

This proposal outlines the transformative potential of establishing large-scale industrial hemp cultivation in Fiji, focusing on utilizing underutilized fallow native lands. Industrial hemp (Cannabis sativa with THC levels below 1%) offers multifaceted benefits: economic growth through high-profit yields and job creation, environmental sustainability via soil regeneration and carbon sequestration, and social advantages by providing alternatives to illegal cannabis cultivation. A key application is the production of hempcrete, a durable, termite-resistant building material ideal for replacing low-cost housing damaged by invasive Asian subterranean termites (AST). With recent legislative amendments in 2025 enabling full industry operations, the Fijian government demonstrates strong will and emerging capacity to activate this sector. Implementation could generate millions in revenue, revitalize rural economies, and address pressing housing challenges, positioning Fiji as a Pacific leader in sustainable agriculture.

Introduction

Fiji’s agricultural sector faces challenges such as underutilized land, climate vulnerability, and invasive pests like AST, which have caused millions in damage to homes and infrastructure since 2010. Native lands, comprising 54.1% of Fiji’s agricultural area (approximately 194,769 hectares under traditional ownership like Mataqali or Yavusa), often lie fallow due to shortening shifting cultivation cycles and socioeconomic factors. Industrial hemp cultivation presents a viable solution, legalized in Fiji since 2022 for varieties with less than 1% THC. Recent 2025 amendments to the Industrial Hemp and Medical Cannabis Act aim to fully operationalize the industry, including banking access and export frameworks. This proposal highlights the benefits, with a focus on hempcrete for housing, and evaluates governmental readiness.nfpfiji.org

Benefits of Large-Scale Industrial Hemp Cultivation in Fiji

Industrial hemp is a versatile, fast-growing crop that can be harvested in 3-4 months, making it suitable for Fiji’s tropical climate. Large-scale cultivation offers the following advantages:

Economic Benefits

  • High Profit Potential: Hemp yields 2-3 times higher profits per square foot compared to traditional crops like vegetables or ornamentals, due to its multiple uses (fiber, seeds, and biomass). In Fiji, this could boost rural incomes, create jobs in processing and export, and reduce reliance on imports. For instance, hemp oil imports are growing at a 6.3% CAGR, indicating domestic production opportunities.nipgroup.com6wresearch.com
  • Market Diversification: Hemp fibers for textiles and paper are more cost-efficient than cotton, while seeds provide nutritious food and oil products. Globally, the industry supports farm expansion and value-added manufacturing, potentially generating millions for Fiji through exports.shfinancial.org
  • Alternative to Illicit Trade: As noted by Fiji’s Economy Minister in 2021, hemp could displace illegal marijuana cultivation, channeling efforts into legal, regulated agriculture.pina.com.fjfijivillage.com

Environmental Benefits

  • Sustainability and Soil Health: Hemp requires minimal water (a fraction of cotton’s needs), reduces chemical inputs, and improves soil quality through deep roots that prevent erosion and enhance fertility. It excels in carbon sequestration, absorbing more CO2 per hectare than forests or other crops, aiding Fiji’s climate goals.grove.rainmatter.org
  • Crop Rotation Advantages: Integrating hemp breaks monoculture cycles, reduces pests, and supports biodiversity, ideal for Fiji’s diverse ecosystems.secondcenturyag.com

Social Benefits

  • Community Empowerment: Cultivation on native lands could foster inclusive growth, addressing tensions between indigenous and Indo-Fijian communities over land use. It promotes food security through nutritious hemp products and sustainable practices.anthroposphere.co.uk

Utilizing Fallow Native Lands

Fiji has significant fallow land potential: 23% of total land (4,250 km²) is agricultural, much of it native-owned and underutilized due to traditional tenure systems and unsustainable shifting cultivation. Hemp is well-suited for these areas, as it thrives on marginal soils like talāsiga lands (degraded grasslands common in Fiji) and requires low inputs. Large-scale adoption could:fiji-psp.landcareresearch.co.nz

  • Revitalize idle lands without displacing food crops, integrating with existing systems.
  • Generate lease revenues for native landowners, promoting economic equity.
  • Address constraints like high production costs through government-supported technology transfer. Pilot projects on communal lands could demonstrate viability, aligning with policies for ecological sustainability.un-csam.org

Producing Hempcrete for Termite-Resistant Low-Cost Housing

AST infestations have devastated low-cost housing in Fiji, prompting government interventions like $2 million relief packages, expanded disaster reserves, and reconstruction aid for households earning under $50,000. These pests cause honeycomb damage to timber structures, costing US$1 million annually. Hempcrete – a composite of hemp hurds, lime, and water – offers a superior alternative:fijionenews.com.fj

  • Termite Resistance: The lime content and lack of organic appeal deter termites and rodents naturally, without chemicals, making it ideal for tropical climates.hempwellness.co.nz
  • Additional Benefits: Carbon-negative, fire-resistant, mold-proof, breathable, and insulating, reducing energy costs and maintenance. It combats climate change by sequestering CO2 during production.sciencedirect.com
  • Housing Application: Locally produced hempcrete could replace damaged timber homes, lowering reconstruction costs and providing durable, eco-friendly options for vulnerable communities. While some research notes uncertainty in extreme termite zones, practical experiences confirm its efficacy.sciencedirect.comfacebook.com

Assessment of Government’s Ability and Will to Activate Hemp Production

Will

The Fijian government shows clear commitment: Hemp was legalized in 2022 to foster industrialization and curb illicit trade. In 2025, the Industrial Hemp and Medical Cannabis Amendment Act addresses barriers like banking restrictions, enabling full operations. Cabinet approvals in 2024 for feasibility studies and export-focused frameworks (including medicinal cannabis) indicate proactive intent to attract investment. Despite a “hemp boom that never was” due to initial stalls, 2025 reforms signal renewed momentum.en.wikipedia.org

Ability

  • Strengths: Existing agricultural infrastructure, tropical suitability, and international partnerships (e.g., feasibility studies) provide a foundation. The Ministry of Agriculture can integrate hemp into strategies for import substitution and technology adoption. Termite response precedents (e.g., $2m aid) show capacity for targeted interventions.mmjdaily.com
  • Challenges: Stalled progress post-2022 highlights regulatory and financial hurdles, with domestic use prohibited and focus on exports. Land tenure complexities may require community consultations.vbr.vu
  • Overall: High will (evidenced by 2025 laws) and moderate ability, improvable through incentives like subsidies and training. Full activation is feasible by 2026, as targeted for similar cannabis initiatives.vbr.vu

Conclusion and Recommendations

Large-scale hemp cultivation on fallow native lands could revolutionize Fiji’s economy, environment, and housing sector, particularly through termite-resistant hempcrete. To activate this:

  1. Launch pilot projects on native lands with iTaukei Land Trust Board collaboration.
  2. Provide subsidies for hemp farming and hempcrete manufacturing.
  3. Conduct awareness campaigns on benefits and legal frameworks.
  4. Partner with international experts for technology transfer. By leveraging 2025 reforms, Fiji can achieve sustainable development, reducing termite damage and unlocking untapped potential. This proposal urges immediate government action for a resilient future.

The Wakaya Letter.

06 Thursday Nov 2025

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” We desire to place before you the following representations. We consider that the act of cession had for the Fijian People of Fiji, a special implication. It was this : they envisaged their country as attached to the crown, an intergral part of the United Kingdom. Her Majesty’s title, decided by the Chiefs after cession is ” Queen Of Fiji and Britain – Ranadi ni Viti kei Peritania” and the Council of Chiefs have from the beginning jealousy maintained their right of directly addressing the Sovereign on the occasions of their meetings.

It is the Fijian view that the possibility of deference of this link with the crown- a link forged in the spirit of mutual trust and goodwill- would never be contemplated. This special relationship would appear to have its closest parallel in the constitutional links between the Channel Islands or the Isle of Man , and the United Kingdom. It is submitted that before

any Constitutional change is considered, and certainly before there is any more move towards internal self government, the terms of the special relationship between the United Kingdom and Fiji should be clarified and codified along the lines of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Channel Island or the Isle of Man.

We propose a new Constitutional Instrument which would embody this understanding of the relationship and would make provision for the safeguarding of Fijian interests building on and strengthening the spirit and substance of the Deed Of Cession. There would have to be a precise restatement of the guarantees of Fijian land ownership. We visualize that the Native Land Trust legislation should not be changed or added to without the prior consent of the Sovereign and the agreement of the Great Council Of Chiefs.

We also stand by the expressed desire of the high Chiefs in the preamble to the Deed Of Session that Fiji should be a Christian state and that therefore no constitutional or administrative changes should take place that would deviate from that intention.

The provisions of the Fijian Affairs Ordinance that all legislations affecting Fijian rights and interests should be referred to the Fijian Affairs Board or , on the recommendation of the Board , to the Great Council Of Chiefs, should be retained and likewise the Governors directions through the public Service Commission to work towards the balance of race in the civil service.

Subject to the satisfactory solution to the issues we have raised in the foregoing memorial, we would be prepared to initiate, in cooperation with the other principal races further move towards internal self government. In this regard we wish to remind you of the terms of the resolution passed at the last session of the legislative council, which records the insistence of the Fijian people that the initiative for any constitutional changes should come from them.

Sgd :K.K.T. Mara 1st FM, P.K.Ganilau 2nd FM,S.Sikivou 3rd FM, R.Vunivalu 4th FM , G.Cakobau 5th FM, A.C. Reid, Chairman, J.N.Falvey, legal adviser & R.M.Major, financial adviser. “

Legality of the 2012 FNPF Act & GROK AI Solution

02 Sunday Nov 2025

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Legality of the 2012 FNPF Act (Actually the 2011 Decree)

Fiji National Provident Fund Decree 2011 (No. 52), promulgated on November 25, 2011, and often discussed in the context of 2012 implementations. This decree reformed the pension system, reducing annuity rates for sustainability reasons (e.g., from historical highs of up to 25% of balances to lower rates like 15%, later adjusted). It was enacted under the interim military-backed government led by Frank Bainimarama, following the 2006 coup, which suspended the 1997 Constitution and ruled without elections until 2014.

  • Was it legal in 2012? At the time, the interim government’s authority was contested internationally and domestically as unconstitutional, stemming from an unelected regime. Pensioners and critics argued the reforms breached existing contracts, violated property rights, and were invalid due to the government’s illegitimacy. Several court cases were filed, such as the high-profile Burness/Shameem challenge in 2011-2012, which sought to halt reductions as a breach of trust and contract. However, the regime issued additional decrees (e.g., limiting judicial review of FNPF decisions) that effectively shielded the reforms from immediate legal overturn. These cases were delayed, dismissed on procedural grounds, or unresolved due to such restrictions. In practice, the decree was enforced as law under the interim regime, but its foundational legitimacy was questionable without democratic backing.
  • Is it legal in 2025? Yes, it remains in force as the FNPF Act 2011. The 2013 Constitution (adopted under the same regime but later upheld) includes transitional provisions validating all pre-2013 decrees and laws, stating they “continue in force as if they had been made under or pursuant to this Constitution.” In August 2025, Fiji’s Supreme Court issued a landmark opinion affirming the 2013 Constitution’s legal effectiveness, further entrenching the validity of prior decrees like the FNPF reforms. Ongoing reviews of the Act in 2025 focus on modernization, not repeal, indicating its accepted status. Critics, including pensioner groups, still label it “illegal” due to its origins, but courts have not invalidated it post-2013.

Regarding the consultants’ advice: Historical accounts confirm actuarial consultants (e.g., Mercer) warned that the pre-2011 scheme was unsustainable, but specifics on advising against touching existing pensions are debated. The reforms proceeded despite protests, with the government citing fund solvency. Coercion claims (e.g., pressuring withdrawals) align with pensioner reports but weren’t ruled illegal in major cases.

Assessment of the 2024 Budget Scheme for Pension Top-Ups

In the 2024-2025 National Budget (announced June 28, 2024), Finance Minister Biman Prasad introduced a restoration for affected FNPF pensioners. Key details:

  • Pensioners who opted for full annuities at reduced rates post-2011 will have rates restored to pre-reform levels (e.g., up to 25% equivalents), effective August 1, 2024.
  • Applies only to those who didn’t withdraw funds; no backpay for 2012-2024 losses.
  • Government funds it fully ($4 million in 2024-2025, ~$57 million over 20 years).
  • Ends prior $25/month social pension top-up for these pensioners.
  • Was it legal? Yes. This is a fiscal policy under an elected government (Coalition since 2022), compliant with the FNPF Act and budgetary laws. It amends no core laws retroactively and addresses a “moral responsibility” without violating contracts. No legal challenges have succeeded against it.
  • Was it wise? It’s a pragmatic step forward—restoring rates prospectively aids ~1,500-2,000 pensioners without overburdening the fund (now healthier post-reforms, crediting 8.75% interest in 2025). It provides closure and boosts retiree income amid inflation. However, omitting backpay ignores 12+ years of reduced payments (potentially $10,000-$50,000+ per person, depending on balances), which critics call incomplete justice. Wisely, it balances fiscal limits (Fiji’s debt/GDP at ~80%) with equity, but fuller wisdom might include phased compensation for hardest-hit cases to rebuild trust.

How Grok Would Resolve the Pensioners’ Situation

As an AI built by xAI to seek truth and help users, I’d approach this pragmatically, focusing on evidence-based steps while respecting Fiji’s legal framework. Resolution requires balancing pensioner rights, fund sustainability, and political realities. Here’s a structured plan:

  1. Advocate for Targeted Backpay Compensation:
    • Lobby the government or FNPF for a one-time ex-gratia payment covering partial losses from 2012-2024. Base it on actuarial calculations (e.g., difference between original and reduced rates, adjusted for inflation). This could be funded via a dedicated levy on FNPF profits or budget surplus, estimated at $20-50 million total—feasible given recent fund growth. Prioritize vulnerable groups (e.g., low-income or elderly pensioners).
  2. Pursue Legal Avenues:
    • File a class-action lawsuit challenging the lack of retroactive relief as a breach of property rights under the 2013 Constitution (Sections 26-27 on fair compensation). Reference past cases like Burness for precedent. The 2025 Supreme Court ruling opens doors for constitutional reviews, potentially questioning decree immunities. Engage NGOs like Citizens’ Constitutional Forum for support.
  3. Political and Public Pressure:
    • Form or join pensioner advocacy groups (e.g., via fijipensioners.com) to petition Parliament during the ongoing FNPF Act review. Use media and social campaigns to highlight human impacts, aiming for amendments in the 2025-2026 budget.
  4. Practical Alternatives for Individuals:
    • Review personal FNPF accounts for errors; apply for the 2024 restoration if eligible.
    • Diversify retirement (e.g., via private savings or government social pensions for those 70+).
    • If coercion evidence exists, seek independent audits or ombudsman review.

This resolution emphasizes fairness without destabilizing the fund, which now benefits all members. If backpay proves unfeasible, enhanced future benefits (e.g., inflation-linked adjustments) could compensate. Ultimately, true resolution needs government goodwill—

The fLAWs that Fiji suffers

20 Monday Oct 2025

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Overview of Fiji’s Administrative Flaws

Fiji’s administration, encompassing its government, bureaucracy, and public institutions, has faced persistent challenges rooted in its history of military coups, ethnic divisions, and weak institutional safeguards. Since independence in 1970, the country has experienced four coups (1987, 2000, and twice in 2006), which have undermined democratic stability and led to authoritarian tendencies. The 2013 Constitution, imposed under former Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama’s regime (2007–2022), centralized power while curtailing civil liberties, and even after the 2022 democratic transition to Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka’s coalition government, many systemic issues persist. As of October 2025, Fiji’s administration is rated “partly free” by Freedom House, with ongoing concerns about corruption, political fragility, and inefficiencies in public service delivery.

Below, I outline key flaws based on documented reports, analyses, and recent developments, categorized for clarity.

1. Corruption and Mismanagement in Public Institutions

Fiji’s bureaucracy is plagued by embezzlement, bribery, and procurement irregularities, often involving high-ranking officials. The Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) handles cases, but enforcement has been inconsistent, with political interference alleged in prosecutions.

  • Historical Cases: The 1990s National Bank of Fiji scandal involved $200 million in bad debts from favoritism toward indigenous Fijian groups, highlighting poor lending oversight. More recently, the 2019 case of a Provincial Administrator who created duplicate receipts to siphon funds exemplifies routine financial manipulation.
  • High-Level Involvement: Former Fiji Commerce Commission CEO Bobby Jitendra Maharaj faced charges for corruption, while ex-Attorney General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum was charged with abuse of office (delayed due to health issues as of 2024). Under Bainimarama, opposition figures were routinely accused of corruption to silence them.
  • Impact: Despite improvements in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index since 2011 (Fiji scored 53/100 in 2023), lack of transparency persists due to self-censoring media and inadequate parliamentary oversight.

2. Political Instability and Military Influence

Fiji’s administration is vulnerable to military intervention, embedded in the 2013 Constitution, which grants the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) veto power over government decisions deemed unconstitutional. This has created a “dual power” dynamic.

FlawDescriptionExamples/Evidence
Coup LegacyFour coups since 1987 have normalized military overreach, leading to decree-based rule and eroded trust in civilian administration.2006 coup by Bainimarama; 2009 Court of Appeal ruling deemed it illegal, but he retained power by abolishing the constitution.
Coalition FragilityRabuka’s 2022–present coalition (People’s Alliance, NFP, SODELPA) is unstable, with internal tensions and unpredictable policies.Exceeded longest post-coup term by January 2024 but faces SODELPA accusations of broken promises; Bainimarama’s FijiFirst (now opposition) was suspended in 2023 over audit issues, seen as politically motivated.
Military WarningsRFMF Commander Jone Kalouniwai has cautioned against “sweeping changes,” raising fears of intervention.January 2023 statement post-election; echoes 1987 coups led by Rabuka himself.

These dynamics prioritize political survival over policy, as noted by former Attorney-General Sayed-Khaiyum in 2025, who criticized the coalition for exacerbating poverty and emigration.

3. Weaknesses in Governance and Public Service Delivery

Administrative decentralization is limited, with central control stifling local autonomy and efficiency.

  • Local Government Dissolution: Municipal councils were dissolved in 2009 under Bainimarama and run by appointed administrators, reducing accountability. Reforms in 2023 restored elections, but implementation lags, with low voter turnout (31% in 2005) reflecting disillusionment.
  • Judicial and Electoral Interference: The judiciary was politicized under Bainimarama, with foreign judges (e.g., Sri Lankans) appointed for pliancy. Electoral bodies face bias concerns, and academic funding was weaponized to influence universities.
  • Economic Mismanagement: Key sectors like sugar suffer from “poor administration” and quality issues, worsened by EU trade preference phase-outs since 2007. Unemployment, crime, and drug use have risen under the current government, widening inequality.

4. Human Rights and Civil Liberties Constraints

The administration’s flaws extend to suppressing dissent, limiting effective governance.

  • Media and Expression: Bainimarama’s era saw censorship via the Media Industry Development Decree; while eased post-2022, Public Order Act charges were used against critics in 2021.
  • Discrimination: Ethnic tensions (indigenous Fijians vs. Indo-Fijians) fuel policies favoring iTaukei groups, echoing 1987 coups that triggered Indo-Fijian exodus (population share dropped from 50% to 33%).
  • Recent Tensions: 2023 proposals to amend land trust laws sparked opposition fears of eroding indigenous rights, uniting critics against perceived overreach.

Potential Pathways Forward

Fiji’s 2026 elections will test these flaws. Positive steps include FICAC’s anti-corruption efforts and judicial diversification (e.g., New Zealand judges in 2023). However, without stronger checks on military power, transparent procurement, and inclusive policies, administrative inefficiencies will continue to hinder development. International partners like the Commonwealth (which suspended Fiji post-2006) emphasize restoring full democracy.